In his introduction to a symposium on Sykes-Picot in 2016, law professor Anghie notes that much of the agreement is entrusted to “trade and trade agreements, access to ports and railway construction.” [50] The memorandum was forwarded to the Department of Foreign Affairs and circulated for notice. On 16 January, Sykes informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that he had spoken to Picot and that he thought Paris could agree. On 21 January, Nicolson convened an inter-departmental conference. Following the meeting, a final draft agreement was circulated to cabinet on 2 February, the war committee considered the 3rd and finally, at a meeting on the fourth day between Bonar Law, Chamberlain, Lord Kitchener and others, it was decided that: on 15 September, the British gave a memory aid (which had been discussed privately two days earlier between Lloyd George and Clemenceau[103]) the British dethroned their troops for Palestine and Mesopoa by Damascus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo to the forces of Fayçal. While accepting the withdrawal, clemenceau continued to insist on the Sykes-Picot agreement as the basis for all discussions. [104] The agreement thus helped to frame the contours of modern nation-states in a region where there were none before. Since it is essentially an agreement between two colonialist powers outside the region, it would have devastating effects. (a) France demands a regime which (1) compensates it for the inconvenience and losses associated with the disorganization of the Ottoman Empire (2) will ensure its historical and traditional position in Syria (3) to give it the full opportunity to realize its economic aspirations in the Middle East. b) Arabs demand (1) recognition of their nationality, (2) the protection of their race from foreign oppression and (3) the possibility of re-establishing their position as a contribution to the progress of the world. (c) Great Britain requires (1) to secure its position in the Persian Gulf, (2) the possibility of developing sub-mesopotamia, (3) (a) commercial and military communications between the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean by land; b) influence in an area sufficient to provide irrigation work suitable for irrigation in Mesopotamia and contain a suitable local recruitment site for administrative purposes. ( 4) to obtain commercial facilities in the area in question.

Loevy referred to a similar point with regard to sections 4 to 8 of the agreement, recalling that the British and French practiced “Ottoman colonial development” and that this experience served as a roadmap for subsequent war negotiations. [51] While Khalidi examined the negotiations of Great Britain and France in 1913 and 1914 on the Homs-Baghdad railway line, as well as their agreements with Germany, in other regions, as a “clear basis” for their subsequent spheres of influence under the agreement. [52] Picot had made disproportionate gains relative to the real balance of forces in the Levant, a fact which the British took advantage of to recover most of the concessions made by Sykes after the war. After Russia was abducted by the revolution, it was no longer necessary to obtain a buffer that protected Mesopotamia from Anatolia. Mosul was then attached to the new mandate of the British League of Nations in Iraq. In Palestine, the Balfour Declaration was used to replace the international regime agreed with Picot with a purely British mandate. In eastern Galilee, the borders of the new Palestinian mandate were then moved north to the Jordan springs and to Yarmuk to embrace the Samakh Triangle. These forced concessions rekindled French resentment and eventually prompted the French authorities in Damascus to refuse cooperation with British troops contested in Palestine during the 1936-1939 Palestinian revolt. After World War II, France`s continued hostility led them to retaliate against Britain`s support for Syrian and Lebanese independence by supporting Jewish terrorist groups in Palestine.